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Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “Royal Ascot pins down hat guidelines” was written by Ben Quinn, for The Guardian on Wednesday 18th January 2012 01.35 UTC

It is a centrepiece of Britain’s social calendar, a place where pageantry, fashion and thoroughbred animals have come to be part of the mix since Queen Anne first saw its potential as a racecourse 300 years ago.

Yet after organisers at Royal Ascot decided that sartorial standards have been on the slide in recent times, not even her descendents are being spared a clampdown that could end the wearing of fascinators in the royal enclosure.

The item of headgear, often favoured by the Duchess of Cambridge, is under threat as part of a move to tighten and clarify the dress code at the annual summer event, which also happens to be the Queen’s favourite race meet.

Nick Smith, a spokesman for Ascot, said: “It is stretching a point to say standards have collapsed but there is no doubt that our customers would like to get back to a situation where it is universally acknowledged that this is a formal occasion and not an occasion where you might dress as you would at a nightclub.

“It is probably fair to say that the dress code hasn’t necessarily been enforced quite as rigorously as we might have liked.”

Along with the royals, thousands of visitors who flock to the less formal grandstand enclosure during the week-long meet in June will also be obliged to adhere to strict new guidelines. The less formal Silver Ring is not expected to be affected by the changes.

A new dress code states: “Hats should be worn; a headpiece which has a base of four inches (10cm) or more in diameter is acceptable as an alternative to a hat.”

Women will also be expected to wear skirts or dresses of “modest length” that fall just above the knee or longer.

This clarifies previous guidance which stated that miniskirts were “considered unsuitable”.

For men, a waistcoat and tie are now compulsory in this area of the course and cravats will not be allowed. Black shoes must also be worn with morning dress.

Although rules on the wearing of fascinators in the royal enclosure will be tightened, a hat or fascinator will be compulsory for women in the grandstand, which is open to the public and subject to less stringent rules.

The move comes amid criticism of sartorial standards, often led by some press coverage bemoaning the supposed display of too much flesh at race meets, and marks a significant change to previous years, when female race-goers were advised that “many ladies wear hats”.

Strapless or sheer-strap tops and dresses will be banned. For men, a suit and tie will now be imperative.

Charles Barnett, Ascot’s chief executive, said the overarching intention was to be “as helpful as possible” to visitors and to assist racegoers in understanding what is “cherished” about the dress code at Royal Ascot. “It isn’t a question of elitism and not being modern in a world where there is less and less requirement to dress smartly – far from it,” he said.

“We want to see modern and stylish dress at Royal Ascot, just within the parameters of formal wear, and the feedback we have received from our customers overwhelmingly supports that.”

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Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “‘Up to 400 Pippa Middleton pictures a day submitted to Daily Mail’” was written by Lisa O’Carroll, Jason Deans and Josh Halliday, for guardian.co.uk on Wednesday 11th January 2012 14.11 UTC

The Daily Mail receives up to 400 pictures of Pippa Middleton a day from picture agencies and freelance photographers, the paper’s picture editor has told the Leveson inquiry.

Pippa Middleton has been the subject of intense media attention since she was bridesmaid at her sister Kate’s wedding to Prince William in April last year. Live coverage of the event was broadcast around the world.

However, Paul Silva said that since the royal wedding the Daily Mail does not use the avalanche of photos it receives from outside suppliers, as there is “no reason, no justification” for publishing pictures of the Duchess of Cambridge’s sister every time she leaves her house to go for a coffee.

Silva told Lord Justice Leveson on Wednesday that the paper has adopted a policy of not using pictures of Middleton going about her everyday business.

“There is no reason to photograph her when she is out and about doing her own thing,” he said. “At the moment there are nine or 10 agencies outside her house [on any given day]. If she goes to get coffee, she goes back into her house, we get 300 to 400 pictures … There is no justification for using them.”

Silva added that the Daily Mail does use pictures of Middleton if she attends an event at which permission has been given for photographs to be taken.

He was also asked by the counsel to the inquiry, Robert Jay QC, why the paper sent photographers to the house of Ting Lan Hong, the mother of Hugh Grant’s child, in the autumn.

Hong took out an injunction in November claiming to have been harassed by photographers following the birth of her daughter. In a written judgment on the high court judge’s reasons for granting the injunction, Hong said there were sometimes as many as 10 or more people camped outside her house and she was pursued when she went out in her car.

Speaking of the period before the injunction was granted, Silva replied that the birth was in the public domain after an agent confirmed it.

“There was no inclination in that statement that there was a privacy problem or a problem ahead. A story breaks, we then go to their home, we ask them to pose up, if they say no we’ll move on and go away,” Silva said. “It was a major showbiz story of great interest to our readers.”

He added that “in an ideal world it would have been nice if Hugh issued a picture” so that the paper did not have to send its own photographer.

Later, when it became clear the Grant and Hong were upset about the photographers outside the house, Silva said the Daily Mail’s staff photographer was given instructions to move down the road, some way away from the residence.

Jay asked why the Mail did not go through the “proper channels” and wait for the green light from Grant before sending a photographer to his house. Silva replied: “That’s the way we’ve done it for years.”

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Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “How Gaddafi toppled a Roman emperor” was written by Charlotte Higgins, for guardian.co.uk on Monday 28th November 2011 11.29 UTC

Lucius Septimius Severus: no, he didn’t kill Dumbledore. Septimius Severus was Roman emperor from AD 193-211. (And JK Rowling studied classics joint honours at Exeter University, so that’s where she’ll have got the names.)

Septimius Severus was Libyan. Tripoli, when you come to think about it, has a nice Greek ring to it, and indeed means “three cities” – ancient Tripolitania consisting of Sabratha, Oea and Lepcis Magna. His legacy in Tripolitania was a massive rebuilding of Lepcis Magna – a vast new city centre with all the trimmings of theatre, basilica, forum and temple. On Saturday, at a study day run by the Association for Roman Archaeology and the Roman Society at the British Museum, Dr Philip Kenrick described fascinatingly how this grandiose scheme seems never have been properly completed. In the massive basilica, with its columns of Aswan granite, the mouldings on the column bases had been rounded off and polished – but only on the side facing outwards into the nave. The parts facing the aisles remain to this day rough and angular, unfinished. Kenrick said he liked to imagine a deadline having been set for the official opening – and overworked artisans being ordered to get the important, really visible bits done, and just leave the rest.

Also at the event was Dr Hafed Walda, a Libyan scholar based at King’s College, London, who welcomed the audience “on behalf of the new government”. He was able to confirm that the extraordinary archaeological sites around Lepcis and Sabratha had survived the recent conflict unscathed. And he spoke about Gaddafi’s relationship with Severus. For years, said Walda, an antique bronze statue of the emperor had stood in Green Square, now Martyrs’ Square. “It witnessed all the major events there from the era of the kings, to the Italian period, to the Gaddafi period,” he said. In the late 1970s, as things got tougher under the dictator, the statue started to get used as a way of cloaking and depersonalising subversion. “Septimius Severus became the mouthpiece for opposition,” explained Walda. “People would ask each other, ‘What’s Septimius Severus saying today? So Gaddafi decided to topple him.” The statue was duly removed from Green Square. Later, in the 1990s, the archaeological authorities decided to reinstate the statue but in a new location at the site at Lepcis. “In 1993 there was a fancy opening, and Gaddafi was invited, but he refused. His aides said, ‘No wonder – he sees Septimius Severus as a rival.’ “

Septimius Severus is a figure in British history: having grasped the purple after his defeat at Lyon of the governor of Britain, Clodius Albinus, and having fought off trouble in Parthia (modern Iraq), he spent the last three years of his life in Britain with his imperial retinue including his Syrian wife Julia Domna and his sons Caracalla and Geta. The Roman empire, then, was briefly run from York (there’s a very impressive tower forward of the city walls, now in the gardens of the Yorkshire Museum, which is thought to date from this period).

Severus undertook campaigns in Scotland; traces of a line of marching camps right up into Perthshire, probably used during the Severan expeditions, can still be seen, and little lead seals depicting the imperial family have been found at the fort at Arbeia, modern South Shields, suggestive of its use as a supply base. Hadrian’s wall was also renovated at this time – such that for some time antiquarians believed that he had built it. Unusually, there is in existence a painting of the imperial family – a wooden tondo depicting Severus with Julia Domna and their sons. Geta’s face has been rubbed out, a process known as “damnatio memoriae”, attesting to the fact that Caracalla murdered his brother after a brief period of joint rule after the death of their father. (Roman “damnatio memoriae” meant removing every public mention or depiction of a discredited leader. There are plenty of Roman inscriptions in Britain where the word “Geta” has been rubbed out.)

There were great talks on Saturday too from Nick Hodgson from Tyne and Wear Museums and from Fraser Hunter of the National Museums of Scotland, who was brilliant on the Roman finds from an Iron Age settlement up near Elgin. But that’s for another day. And full disclosure: I’m on the council of the brilliant Roman Society.

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Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “Sunstones may have helped Vikings navigate from Norway to America” was written by Ian Sample, science correspondent, for The Guardian on Wednesday 2nd November 2011 00.01 UTC

According to Viking legend, the marauding seafarers found their way in bad weather using glowing sunstones that revealed the position of the sun even when it was obscured by cloud or had sunk beneath the horizon.

Scientists have long argued over whether such a trick is feasible, but new research on a crystal recovered from a 16th century shipwreck reveals that such stones could indeed have helped the Vikings navigate from Norway to North America.

Vikings are known to have sailed vast stretches of open water to reach North America more than a thousand years ago, finding their way from the sun and stars, and the direction of the wind, waves and swell.

As skilful as the Vikings were as navigators, their ambitious voyages would have been beset by thick fog, cloudy skies and the prolonged twilights of the polar summer, which would have made direct observations of the sun and stars all but impossible.

The enigmatic sunstone appears as an extra navigational aid in an Icelandic saga featuring a sailor called Sigurd who, frustrated by the weather, holds a sunstone aloft to locate the sun and so set his ship’s course.

In 1967, Thorkild Ramskou, a Danish archaeologist, speculated that Viking sunstones might have been Icelandic spar, a clear calcite that is common in the region. Calcite splits incoming rays of light in two, known as birefringence. The same property makes the crystal appear light or dark when held up to light of different polarisations.

Light is not polarised as it leaves the sun – in other words the electromagnetic waves vibrate in all directions perpendicular to the direction in which they are travelling. But as sunlight passes through the Earth’s atmosphere, it is scattered and becomes polarised in a particular direction.

Vikings might have calibrated calcite crystal sunstones by scanning them across a clear sky and noting the sun’s position when the crystal brightened. They could then repeat the trick to locate the sun when it was no longer visible.

Writing in the journal Proceedings of the Royal Society A, a team led by Guy Ropars at the University of Rennes in Brittany describe tests on a a piece of Icelandic spar found aboard a sunken Elizabethan military vessel. The ship was discovered in the 1970s by a fisherman off Alderney in the Channel Islands.

Through a series of experiments, they found a different way to use the crystal to pinpoint the position of the sun. They covered the crystal with an opaque sheet that had a hole in the centre. When viewed through the hole, they noticed the crystal cast two distinct shadows. Rotating the crystal made one shadow get lighter as the other darkened and vice versa.

Further tests showed that they could pinpoint the sun’s position with an accuracy of one degree in either direction by rotating the crystal until the darkness of the shadows matched. As before, the crystal had to be calibrated on a day when the sun was visible.

“Such sunstones could have helped the Vikings in their navigation from Norway to America, as the magnetic compass had yet to be introduced in Europe,” Guy said. A crystal measuring 3cm on each side would have been large enough to work, he added.

The calcite crystal may also have proved invaluable on the Elizabethan vessel. Just one of the cannons aboard the ship would have disturbed a magnetic compass by as much as 90 degrees, Guy claims. “To avoid navigational errors when the sun is hidden, the use of a [calcite crystal] could be crucial even at this epoch, more than four centuries after the Viking time,” he said.

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Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “Out, damn’d conspiracy! Shakespeare was no fraud” was written by Michael Dobson, for guardian.co.uk on Wednesday 26th October 2011 17.22 UTC

However much we may claim to be curious about hat really happened in history, it seems we often prefer our stories about the past to follow the pattern of fairytales. Shakespeare understood this very well. He gave his audiences Richard III, the hunchbacked wicked uncle, rightfully destroyed by the good avenging prince, for instance, rather than the complex politician of history, defeated and killed by an invading opportunist. History may provide good raw material for drama, but it will need a bit of underlying myth if it is really going to stay in the imagination.

To that extent, the film Anonymous – which offers a version of Elizabethan history obsessed with monarchy, parenthood and usurpation, in which the rightful heir to the English throne is wickedly kept from his inheritance – is only doing what costume drama has done since Shakespeare’s time, acting out our fantasies in fancy dress while mentioning a few real events and actual people. But Shakespeare never went so far as to claim that there was no real Richard III, only a pretender using a pseudonym. Nor did he suggest that 1485 was a year of complete peace, during which the traces of the Battle of Bosworth were cynically faked by the establishment. The plot of Anonymous, by comparison, is based on the premise that Shakespeare wasn’t Shakespeare. It isn’t just a piece of sexed-up historical drama in the great Elizabethan tradition: it belongs to a much more recent mindset, that of the great Victorian conspiracy theories.

I say Victorian because nobody doubted that Shakespeare had written his own plays until the 1850s. The first claim to the contrary is Delia Bacon’s article William Shakespeare and his Plays; an Inquiry Concerning Them, printed in Putnam’s Magazine (in 1856). Bacon thought the Complete Plays represented a deliberate attempt to spread enlightenment, modernity and progress, and that rather than being the work of a single supremely talented showbusiness professional they must have been written by an occult committee of world-designing philosophers. Its leader, she hinted, could only have been Sir Francis Bacon, who had somehow scheduled its meetings in between his other duties as attorney general and his efforts to invent empirical science.

Delia Bacon died in an asylum after failing to find a single piece of evidence in favour of her claim, but her example has not inhibited successive waves of other champions, who have credited the plays to Francis Bacon alone, to Christopher Marlowe, to the Fifth Earl of Rutland, to the Sixth Earl of Derby, to the 17th Earl of Oxford, and even to Queen Elizabeth I, among many others. The obvious truth that Shakespeare wrote Shakespeare, sadly, is not news, and popular journalism since the 1850s has preferred news at all costs.

Shakespearean scholars, when they have managed to calm themselves, have sometimes paid reluctant tribute to the sheer determination and ingenuity which “anti-Stratfordian” writers have displayed, since any theory suggesting that the theatre professional William Shakespeare did not write the Shakespeare canon somehow has to explain why so many of his contemporaries said that he did, and why none of the rest ever said that he did not. Most observers, however, have been more impressed by the anti-Stratfordians’ dogged immunity to documentary evidence, not only that which confirms that Shakespeare wrote his own plays, but that which establishes that several of the alternative candidates, including Oxford, were long dead before he had finished doing so. How did this weird cult belief that Shakespeare was a fraud ever come into being?

By Delia Bacon’s time, the authorship controversy was an accident waiting to happen. In the age of Romanticism, such transcendent, quasi-religious claims were being made for the supreme poetic triumph of the Complete Works that it was becoming well-nigh impossible to imagine how any mere human being could have written them at all. At the same time, the popular understanding of what levels of literacy might have been achieved in 16th-century Stratford was still heavily influenced by a patriotic tradition of Shakespeare-worship which liked to depict the playwright as an uninstructed son of the Warwickshire soil, a thoroughly native genius who had out-written the world without any help from foreign or classical literary models. These two notions combined to persuade Delia Bacon and her more snobbish successors that the Folio’s title page and preliminaries could only be part of an elaborate charade, orchestrated by some more elevated personage. They accordingly misread the distinctive literary traces of Shakespeare’s solid Elizabethan grammar-school education visible throughout the volume as evidence that the “real” author had attended Oxford or Cambridge.

This misapprehension was reinforced by the 19th century’s deepening sense that there was an absolute boundary between poetry (a disinterested manifestation of high culture) and live theatre (a mercenary form of vulgar entertainment). At a time when the theatrical dimension of Shakespeare’s works was especially ill understood (the plays heavily cut and altered to fit the contemporary stage, and read by Victorian critics as sublime poems rather than as practical scripts), it became possible, perversely, for the fact that Shakespeare had been a known professional actor and man of the theatre to be cited as evidence that he could not have written the plays rather than as corroboration that he did.

The spread of conspiracy theories about Shakespeare has an international dimension to it. Both Hart and Bacon were Americans, and blue-blooded candidates for the authorship continue to find some of their most eager (and munificent) supporters in the United States. Members of other nationalities, too, have at times enjoyed the sense that they know the “real” Shakespeare better than do his compatriots: during the early 20th century German conspiracy theorists particularly favoured the Earl of Rutland, for example, though their French counterparts preferred the Earl of Derby, and in Austria Sigmund Freud, in a classic instance of the fantasies about secret aristocratic origins which he had identified in children, placed his own ill-informed faith in the Earl of Oxford.

The German director Roland Emmerich, then, has belatedly climbed on to a creaky Victorian bandwagon with Anonymous, a film which adopts the most lurid and B-movie-like variant of the theory that Oxford wrote the plays, in its quest to combine the commercial appeal of Shakespeare in Love with that of The Da Vinci Code. According to the scenario the film depicts, the Complete Works, especially Hamlet, encode the story of how Oxford was not only the secret author of the Shakespeare canon but was secretly both the son and subsequently the lover of Elizabeth I, and was thereby secretly the father of the Earl of Southampton and the unacknowledged rightful heir to the throne of England into the bargain.

Taken as a serious account of real history, this is so plainly daft, and so wildly at variance with all the copious evidence we have about Shakespeare, the Elizabethan theatre, Oxford, Elizabeth and Southampton alike, that it is beyond rational refutation. Taken as a version of one of our culture’s perennially recurring daydreams, however – the tale of the oppressed rightful prince, wickedly deprived of his true heritage and recognition – it ought to give us serious food for thought about the ease with which fantasy, in some minds, can prove far more compelling than mere truth.

- Michael Dobson is director of the Shakespeare Institute at the University of Birmingham

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Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “The Byronic look: overweight and unattractive” was written by Mark Brown, arts correspondent, for The Guardian on Friday 26th August 2011 14.52 UTC

When a man is noted for his Byronic looks he is generally chuffed – dark, handsome, attractively unavailable. Slightly morose, it’s true, but in a sexy way.

The reality though should now be amended to overweight, not at all attractive and thoroughly unpleasant. Or, as historian Lucy Worsley puts it: “Self-regarding poser.”

Worsley, chief curator at Historic Royal Palaces, believes that the word Byronic is bandied around without people really knowing what it means.

She makes her claim in her new three-part series on Regency Britain made for BBC4.

“Byron certainly wasn’t born a Regency pin-up,” she said. “He made himself into one through very careful manipulation of his image.”

That Byron had a serious weight problem became obvious when the filmmakers visited Berry Brothers wine merchants in St James where, 200 years ago, the poet would weigh himself on enormous scales along with his fellow dandies.

There are still ledgers recording the results and the 5ft 8in (1.73m), 18-year-old Byron weighs in at a hefty 13st 12lbs (88kg), which the programme makers are classing as “borderline obese” because he had his boots on.

Byron went to great efforts to lose his weight, such as playing cricket with seven waistcoats and a great coat on and going to steam rooms to sweat it off.

And to be fair, Worsley said, he was down to 9st 11lbs when he was 23.

Byron also suffered from a problem foot from childhood resulting in a life long limp.

“He would not waltz,” said Worsley. “He could not be seen on the dance floor as it would be contrary to his dignity. He wouldn’t let his girlfriend, Lady Caroline Lamb, waltz either if he couldn’t do it.”

Of course, in portraits he looks handsome, not least in the famous Thomas Phillips painting – with Byron in Albanian dress – which is in the National Portrait Gallery.

But that was all part of his studious manipulation of his image.

“There were images that he would not allow to be reproduced in his books of poetry because he looked too boyish,” said Worsley. “He wanted to look theatrical and dramatic.

“There are lots of images where he looks like a pallid, slightly podgy young man. Just not impressive.”

His poetry of course struck a huge chord in Regency Britain and he became very famous, very quickly, known for his scandalous behaviour. “I think he enjoyed being a little bit ‘mad, bad and dangerous’ to know, as Lady Caroline called him.”

Any redeeming features about Byron are heavily offset by his appalling abuse of the opposite sex. “What he did to women was dreadful – getting them pregnant and stealing their kids from them,” said Worlsey. ” I don’t admire him at all.”

The series begins on Monday on BBC4 and Byron features in the third episode.

It covers much of the excess of Regency Britain, not least of the Prince Regent himself. The makers visit Brighton Pavilion where there is a replica of one of his corsets and a pair of his 54-inch waist breeches. But, Worsley adds, this was a man described as “having for breakfast two pigeons, three beef steaks, a glass of brandy and some champagne.”

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Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “George IV: the rehabilitation of Old Naughty” was written by Lucy Worsley, for The Guardian on Sunday 28th August 2011 20.00 UTC

Endless Jane Austen film adaptations have given us the idea that the Regency was a classy, pretty, palatable period of history. Notable for their muslins, tea parties and flirting, you’d think that most Regency folk lived in highly desirable rectories. In reality this decade was far from ladylike: it was vibrant, eclectic, even frightening.

People often misuse the term “Regency” to describe art or antiques dating from a vague period between the 1790s and the 1830s, but technically the period only lasted between 1811 and 1820. It began 200 years ago when George III descended into his final spell of “madness” and his son (the future George IV) stepped in as Prince Regent. The next nine years were transformative in art, architecture, literature and life.

The contradictory tone of the age was set by the Prince Regent himself, dogged by accusations of debt, drinking and non-diligence. The “Prince of Whales”, as the caricaturists called him because of his 54in waist, was voted Britain’s Most Useless Monarch in an English Heritage poll.

At his fantastic holiday home, the Royal Pavilion in Brighton, he lived in elegance and squalor combined. In its overheated, gas-lit rooms, he would drink brandy for breakfast. He eventually grew too fat to climb upstairs and had to sleep on the ground floor.

The Prince Regent was as unpopular then as he is now for his excesses and neglect of his duties. These were exciting and dangerous times: Napoleon was narrowly defeated at Waterloo, peaceful protesters calling for parliamentary reform were slaughtered by the authorities in the Peterloo massacre, and the Luddites were vandalising the frame-weaving machines that had destroyed their livelihoods. But the Prince Regent never set foot on a battlefield, and completely failed to address his people’s problems.

These political crises were accompanied by an upheaval in the arts. Turner and Constable were in competition with each other as painters, while portraitist Thomas Lawrence captured the gaudy, tawdry brilliance of high society. Jane Austen and Mary Shelley wrote novels about manners and monsters respectively, while Byron pumped out poetry.

The period’s defining architect is John Nash, with his crazily clashing source material. He built stage sets for the Prince Regent’s no-rules lifestyle: as well as the Royal Pavilion, he carried out endless and unaffordable remodellings of Carlton House, George’s London residence. Nash also created the sham palaces of Regent’s Park, and sliced Regent Street through London’s West End to provide Carlton House with a magnificent approach. Meanwhile, speculators ran up many a sub-Nash terrace in property hot spots like Leamington Spa.

Regency buildings are often said to lack the serenity of their early Georgian predecessors, or the intense scholarship of the subsequent Gothic revival. Many seem rather gimcrack (Nash’s novel glass-roofed picture gallery at Attingham Park, for example, quickly started to leak) or weren’t valued highly enough to retain. Regent Street itself leads to nowhere because the Prince Regent quickly got bored with Carlton House and demolished it to rebuild Buckingham Palace instead.

Jane Austen, once invited to visit the over-the-top splendours of Carlton House by George himself, remained distinctly unimpressed. She’d always support the Regent’s estranged wife, she wrote, “because I hate her husband”. It’s hard to defend the Prince Regent as a family man, with his endless procession of matronly mistresses and his addiction to the liquid form of opium.

But the charitable would see his vices as merely the props they were for a fatal weakness of character. He simply didn’t have the stamina and firmness of purpose to rule effectively and win affection. And for all the carping about spending from contemporaries, he did actually achieve something of lasting value. His lavish spending on the arts contributed enormously to the image Britain still presents to the world today.

The Prince Regent’s wife said he would have made a great hairdresser – he certainly had creativity and an eye for style. He was the best patron and collector of art ever to sit on the throne, and the Royal Collection owes much to his magnificent magpie instinct. The very best Regency buildings are playful, capricious masterpieces, and George created the most recognisable skyline of any building in Britain with Windsor Castle.

Every king and queen since has posed for portraits in the state rooms created by our Most Useless Monarch, and his own brilliantly staged-managed coronation marked the high point of a pageantry still to be observed in this year’s royal wedding. These achievements continue to attract tourist dollars to Britain.

One hears the late Queen Mother used to call the Prince Regent “Old Naughty”, which puts him firmly in his place. Despite the decadence and the drugs, though, he deserves some credit for presiding over an intense decade of design.

• Elegance and Decadence, the Age of the Regency, starts on Monday night at 9pm on BBC4

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Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “Black Death study lets rats off the hook” was written by Maev Kennedy, for The Guardian on Wednesday 17th August 2011 18.37 UTC

Rats weren’t the carriers of the plague after all. A study by an archaeologist looking at the ravages of the Black Death in London, in late 1348 and 1349, has exonerated the most famous animal villains in history.

“The evidence just isn’t there to support it,” said Barney Sloane, author of The Black Death in London. “We ought to be finding great heaps of dead rats in all the waterfront sites but they just aren’t there. And all the evidence I’ve looked at suggests the plague spread too fast for the traditional explanation of transmission by rats and fleas. It has to be person to person – there just isn’t time for the rats to be spreading it.”

He added: “It was certainly the Black Death but it is by no means certain what that disease was, whether in fact it was bubonic plague.”

Sloane, who was previously a field archaeologist with the Museum of London, working on many medieval sites, is now attached to English Heritage. He has concluded that the spread of the 1348-49 plague, the worst to hit the capital, was far faster, with an impact far worse than had been estimated previously.

While some suggest that half the city’s population of 60,000 died, he believes it could have been as high as two-thirds. Years later, in 1357, merchants were trying to get their tax bill cut on the grounds that a third of all property in the city was lying empty.

Sloane spent nearly 10 years researching his book, poring over records and excavation reports. Many records have gone missing, while there was also a documentation shortfall as disaster overwhelmed the city. Names of those buried in three emergency cemeteries seem not to have been recorded.

However, Sloane found a valuable resource in records from the Court of Hustings, of wills made and then enacted during the plague years. As the disease gripped – in October 1348 rather than the late summer others suggested, reaching its height in April 1349 – the numbers of wills soared as panic-striken wealthy citizens realised their deaths were probably imminent.

On 5 February 1349 Johanna Ely, her husband already dead, arranged provision for her children, Richard and Johanna. She left them property, spelled out which beds and even pots and pans each was to receive, and placed them in the guardianship of her own mother. She was dead within 72 hours.

It appeared to the citizens that everyone in the world might die. Richard de Shordych left goods and money to his son Benedict when he died in early March: his son outlived him by a fortnight.

Money, youth, and formerly robust good health were no protection. Edward III’s own daughter, Joan, sailed for Spain with her trousseau, her dowry and her bridesmaids, to marry Pedro, heir to the throne of Castile. She would never see her wedding day as she died of the plague within 10 days of landing.

John of Reading, a monk in Westminster, left one of the few witness accounts. He described deaths happening so fast there was “death without sorrow, marriage without affection, self-imposed penance, want without poverty, and flight without escape”.

In Rochester, William of Dene wrote that nobody could be found to bury the dead, “but men and women carried the bodies of their own little ones to church on their shoulders and threw them into mass graves from which arose such a stink that it was barely possible for anyone to go past a churchyard”.

Sloane estimates that people living near the cemetery at Aldersgate, which is now buried under Charterhouse Square, in Smithfield, would have seen a corpse carried past every five minutes at the height of the plague.

As many wills were being made in a week as in a normal year. Usually these would only be activated months or years later: in the worst weeks of the plague there was barely time to get them written down. Many, like Johanna Ely, probably made their wills when they felt the first dreaded sweats and cramps of the disease. Others left property and the care of their children to people who then barely outlived them.

The archaeology of the plague also reveals that most people, however, were buried with touching care, neatly laid out in rows, heads facing west, with far more bodies put in coffins than in most medieval cemeteries – but possibly through fear of infection.

Only a few jumbled skeletons hint at burials carried out some time after death and decomposition; those cases probably arose because bodies were found later on in buildings where every member of the household had died.

Sloane believes there was little difference in mortality rates between rich and poor, because they lived so closely packed together. The plague, he is convinced, spread from person to person in the crowded city.

Mortality continued to rise throughout the bitterly cold winter, when fleas could not have survived, and there is no evidence of enough rats.

Black rat skeletons have been found at 14th-century sites, but not in high enough numbers to make them the plague carriers, he said.

In sites beside the Thames, where most of the city’s rubbish was dumped and rats should have swarmed, and where the sodden ground preserves organic remains excellently, few black rats have been found.

Sloane wants to dig up Charterhouse, where he believes 20,000 bodies lie under the ancient alms houses and modern buildings, including the Art Deco block where the fictional character Hercule Poirot lives in the television series. And, if anyone finds a mass medieval rat grave, he would very much like to know.

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Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “Barbara Cartland stole plots, rival author alleged in furious letters” was written by Dalya Alberge, for The Guardian on Thursday 4th August 2011 15.59 UTC

Dame Barbara Cartland, whose romantic novels have already sold over a billion copies worldwide, faced furious allegations of plagiarism, previously unpublished letters that were sent in 1950 reveal. The writer Georgette Heyer accused Cartland of trying to “cash in” on her work and of acting like “a petty thief”.

Heyer, who died in 1974, was an equally successful queen of historical romance who prided herself on her period research. She believed that Cartland – who by her death in 2000 had written more than 700 books, mostly set in the 19th century – had copied names, characters and plot details from her own work.

Unpublished correspondence from 1950 reveals Heyer’s outrage at discovering from a fan the similarities between, among others, Cartland’s Knave of Hearts – the third part of a Georgian trilogy – and her own These Old Shades, a Georgian romance novel.

Heyer wrote 56 novels that sold tens of millions of copies worldwide. She did not regard imitation as the sincerest form of flattery – firing off angry letters to her literary agent, Leonard Parker Moore, refusing to see why she should permit Cartland to steal her ideas and research.

“I think I could have borne it better had Miss Cartland not been so common-minded, so salacious and so illiterate,” she wrote.

She continued: “For her main theme Miss Cartland has gone solely to These Old Shades but for various minor situations and other characters she has drawn upon four of my other novels.”

The astonishing attack from beyond the grave will be published in October in a book titled Georgette Heyer: Biography of a Bestseller.

Its author, Jennifer Kloester, was given unprecedented access to correspondence by Heyer’s family, and was “taken aback” by similarities between the authors. “You can’t doubt the points Georgette was making … She was quite aghast at the borrowings.”

The borrowings extended to character names. Heyer was outraged that Sir Montagu Reversby, in Cartland’s Hazard of Hearts, was like her own Sir Montagu Revesby in Friday’s Child.

Heyer wrote: “On perusing the first two novels of Miss Cartland’s trilogy I was astonished to find the number of identical or infinitesimally altered names and titles … I also found what might best be described as paraphrases of situations I had created, and a suspicious number of Regency cant words, or obsolete turns of speech, all of which I can pinpoint in several of my books.”

Kloester said: “She thought that the case might come to court but what she really wanted was for Knave of Hearts ‘to be withdrawn from circulation, the offending names in her previous works altered, and a profound apology made to me’.”

A solicitor’s letter to Cartland followed. Kloester said: “There is no record of a response … but Georgette later noted that ‘the horrible copies of my books ceased abruptly’.” Knave of Hearts was eventually reissued under a new title, The Innocent Heiress, and a heading: “In the tradition of Georgette Heyer”.

Georgina Hawtrey-Woore, senior editor at Arrow, a Random House imprint that is publishing the new biography, said that had Heyer taken legal action today “she’d have a very good case”.

But Cartland’s son, Ian McCorkindale, said: “I’ve never heard that story. It’s more likely, I would have thought, the other way round.”

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